TVN`s broadcasting licence is due to be renewed next month and Parliament is working on a bill that would not grant licences to majority-owned companies located outside the European Economic Area. TVN is officially owned by a company registered in the Netherlands, which in turn is owned by Discovery, so it currently complies with Polish rules, but not if the legislation has been passed. The PiS leadership has also promised to pass a law that «deconcentrates» and «repolonizes» private media by reducing foreign ownership, a move that would disproportionately hit the media that hold the current government most accountable. In August 2021, the Sejm passed a law banning companies registered outside the European Economic Area (EEA) from acquiring a majority stake in Polish media companies. While officials say tighter ownership rules would prevent states like China and Russia from influencing the media, opposition figures have accused the government of seeking to silence US broadcaster TVN, a prominent PiS critic and the country`s largest private broadcaster. The bill was struck down by the Senate in September, but passed again by the Diet in December before Duda vetoed it later that month. Tusk, Polish Prime Minister from 2007 to 2014 and twice President of the European Council, has revived the destiny of the Civic Platform. The party has moved from third to second place in opinion polls and now stands at 27 percent, compared to 36 percent for PiS. The Prime Minister proposes, the President appoints and the Sejm approves the Council of Ministers.

The President is elected by referendum for a five-year term, the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers (if any) are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Sejm. The Council of Ministers is responsible to the Prime Minister and the Sejm. Warsaw is also at war with Washington, the country`s most important NATO ally. If things go wrong for the ruling coalition, the United Right could see early elections. Poland`s general election on 13th October is expected to be one of the most important and important since the collapse of communism in 1989. Over the past four years, the current government, led by the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party, has been heavily criticised by its political opponents for allegedly undermining democracy and the rule of law in its dealings with the judiciary, the media, public appointments and civil liberties. The small Constitution of 1919 described Poland`s form of government with a democratically elected Sejm, a Prime Minister and Cabinet, and an executive. Despite the contours of a parliamentary system, the small constitution gave Piłsudski`s position as head of state many executive powers. [8] The executive branch could choose and organize cabinets (with the consent of the Sejm), be accountable to ministries for their tasks, and require ministers to countersign all official actions. [9] In the early 1920s, right-wing nationalists in parliament, especially Roman Dmowski and other members of the National People`s Union and the Endecja movement, advocated reforms of the structure of the republic in order to limit the authority of the head of state (and ultimately Piłsudski) while expanding parliamentary powers. [10] The result was the adoption of the Constitution of March 1921 by the Diet.

Like the French Third Republic, the March Constitution entrusts decision-making exclusively to the Diet. [11] The newly created presidency, on the other hand, became a symbolic office without more authority, veto and war powers. [12] Why are law and justice still so popular? First, and perhaps most importantly, voters trust the party on the socio-economic issues that matter most to them because it fulfilled many of the high-profile social spending promises that were critical to Law and Justice`s electoral success in 2015. The most important of these was the hugely popular flagship «500 Plus» children`s grant program, which was expanded this year to all families with any number of children. The new 1997 constitution, which replaced a 1992 interim constitution, was adopted by the National Assembly (Zgromadzenie Narodowe; as the Sejm and Senate are called when they meet for a joint session to discuss constitutional issues) in April, adopted in a national referendum in May, and promulgated in October. The constitution confirmed the mixed form of presidential-parliamentary government established in the period 1989-92. According to these provisions, the President is directly elected for a maximum of two five-year terms. The president serves as commander-in-chief of the armed forces, has the power (albeit limited) to declare martial law or a state of emergency, and can veto a law of the Diet (which in turn can override this veto by a three-fifths majority). Defendants generally enjoy adequate procedural protection in Poland, although the law allows for prolonged pre-trial detention and there is a large backlog of cases. The PiS government`s decision to merge the roles of justice minister and attorney general «creates a potential for abuse and political manipulation» of the judiciary, according to the Venice Commission.

The use of pre-trial detention has increased considerably since PiS came to power. Since the power of the Prime Minister emanates from Parliament, he, together with other ministers, must answer questions from deputies during each session of the Sejm. [43] The Prime Minister and other Ministers also have the constitutional authority to respond to questions from Members within 21 days of their introduction. [44] July 2017 – President Duda vetoes controversial laws that would have given the government considerable power over the judiciary. 2001 – Poland allows citizens to request access to files kept by secret police during the communist era. Three major judicial reforms were adopted in 2017. The first gave the Minister of Justice the power to appoint and remove the presidents and vice-presidents of the courts. The second, which came into force in 2018, ordered that 15 of the 25 members of the KRS, which is responsible for appointing judges, be appointed by parliament and not elected by the judiciary. In July 2018, a new, lower retirement age for the Supreme Court went into effect, meaning 27 out of 73 justices had to resign unless they received presidential approval to stay. These judges were reinstated later that year following an infringement procedure by the European Commission and an interlocutory ruling by the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), which later confirmed that the measures had violated EU law. The law of the Supreme Court also created powerful new chambers – the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs (responsible for declaring the validity of elections) and the Disciplinary Chamber. One of the judicial reforms, which came into effect in 2018, gave the newly created chamber of the Supreme Court – the Chamber of Extraordinary Control and Public Affairs, whose members are appointed by the now politicized National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) – the power to confirm or reject the results of elections and referendums.

The considerable power of the House and its susceptibility to politicization further threaten the integrity of election oversight bodies. The President may convene the Council of Ministers for special matters, although he does not have the competence of the Council of Ministers. The president`s official actions require that the prime minister`s signature be valid, but this does not apply: Similarly, Law and Justice has been tactically adept at knowing when to defuse contentious issues and not devote too much political capital to them and step aside unless the party considers this to be priorities or central elements of its government agenda. A good example of this is the issue of abortion when, in the autumn of 2016, Law and Justice parliamentarians, despite personally supporting toughening Poland`s already restrictive law, voted against a law sponsored by Catholic civic organizations representing the hard core of the party`s «religious rights» electorate in the face of an unexpected wave of public opposition. in order to make the practice illegal in any case. except when the mother`s life was in danger.